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Mar 312013
 

I went to hear Dr. Kim Hill's talk on Thursday on the origins of human uniqueness. Hill began by framing our uniqueness in terms of our energy usage and biological dominance&emdash;for example, the fact that we cycle more nitrogen than all other terrestrial lifeforms combined, and we represent 10 times more biomass than any other large species that ever lived. We also exhibit extreme social complexity and specialization; no other species has anything remotely resembling the New York Stock Exchange or the NCAA basketball tournament, for example. Moreover, even before agriculture, we had colonized every landmass, and hunter-gatherers exhibited unusually complex social behavior compared to that of other animals. However, although we exhibit non-unique traits that arose through non-unique processes, we somehow turned into this distinctive species. The question is, how?

Hill described a combination of critical features that enabled all this to happen: cumulative culture, non-kin cooperation, language, and various cognitive capacities. These features emerged from various preadaptations, including bipedality, a change in our dietary niche, and a shift in the human life history (that is, the timing and duration of the events that make up the human lifecycle) and social structures. He focused on a chain of events involving non-kin cooperation and cumulative culture. To illustrate each link in the chain, he used a great deal of data from his own work and that of others with current-day hunter-gatherers in South America and Africa. The story goes roughly like this:

  • Our feeding niche shifted from collecting foods to extraction and hunting. (Extraction Includes the gathering of roots, nuts, and other things that require some labor or ingenuity to get.)
  • As a consequence, there was more variation in the quantity of food available each day. This in turn led to daily food sharing. In two hunter-gatherer tribes that he mentioned, nuclear families never keep more than 50% of any type of resource that they acquire. This buffers the variability for everyone day by day and on longer timescales, and provides protection against starvation due to illness or injury.
  • The result of this is a fourfold difference in adult mortality between humans and chimpanzees. Adult mortality affects the entire life cycle: delaying maturity, delaying senescence, and extending the productive years of adults.
  • Because maturity is delayed, and children depend on their parents for food, parents have multiple dependent offspring at any one time. As anyone who has bought groceries for a large household can imagine, this is difficult for parents. Several strategies arose to address this problem. One of them is that adults without children, for example, siblings of the parents, may help out (AKA opportunistic cooperative breeding, or helpers in the nest). In fact, the food sharing that arose initially as a way of reducing the variation in the food supply, and thus the risk, became intentional overproduction. That is, people seek out excess, for instance, by gathering more food than they need rather than stopping when they have enough for themselves.
  • An additional consequence is that women live past their reproductive capacity. That is, women go through menopause.
  • These cooperative breeding arrangements favored the evolution of prosocial emotions, or investment in the well-being of other people in the same group. In insect colonies, cooperation occurs because the insects are closely related. Hill presented evidence that shows that this is not the case for hunter-gatherer bands: People cooperate and do things for the benefit of others even if they are not related.
  • Juvenile dependence and the resulting investment of fathers in their children and pair bonding gave rise to a pattern described as the exogamy complex which, in a nutshell, eventually created complex social networks that included people who were not genetically related (e.g., in-laws) that allowed cumulative culture to arise.
  • Cumulative culture is what happens when you not only learn how to build or use a spear or grinding stone or web page, you figure out a better way to do the job. Although other animals learn things from each other, like learning how to use sticks to dig out termites, none of them build on what they learn and improve on what they have learned. Hill suggested that the shift to large social networks may have been as important as evolved cognition in explaining why we begin to produce cumulative culture in the late Middle Pleistocene 200,000 years ago.

Obviously this leaves out important things like language and brain size and other cool things about how we got to be the way we are. However, it's still a fascinating story of our roots. What struck me in particular is the difference between this and Hobbes's description of life in the natural state as nasty, brutish, and short. The hunter-gatherer societies that he described have a form of income insurance that protects against illness or injury, for example, and the entire system of hunter-gatherer life that he described was nothing like “every man for himself.”

At the end of his lecture, Hill noted that maybe we shouldn't be thinking so much about whether we will ever contact intelligent species in the rest of the universe; perhaps we should be thinking instead about highly cooperative social species. A single intelligent human could never have gotten to the moon alone.

One of the most interesting questions that came up in the Q&A afterword was the question of whether it's likely that there could be one more than one such species per planet. The answer, rather sadly, is probably not. It looks as though the price of our success might have been the extermination of all competitors, even distant ones. Hill estimates that we exterminated at least five other hominin species that could have also followed our trajectory, and right now we seem to be in the process of exterminating the chimpanzees.

You can read more about Prof. Hill's work in this New York Times article.

 

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Happy Darwin Day!

 General  Comments Off
Feb 122013
 

People around the world are celebrating the anniversary of Charles Darwin’s birth on February 12, 1809. (Maybe you can find a Darwin Day event near you.) To mark the day, I thought I’d share this quote from The Descent of Man, which has particular resonance for me because it seems related to what I’ve been reading in Steven Pinker’s The Better Angels of Our Nature: Why Violence Has Declined.

As man advances in civilization, and small tribes are united into larger communities, the simplest reason would tell each individual that he ought to extend his social instincts and sympathies to all the members of the same nation, though personally unknown to him. This point being once reached, there is only an artificial barrier to prevent his sympathies extending to the men of all nations and races. If, indeed, such men are separated from him by great differences in appearance or habits, experience unfortunately shews us how long it is, before we look at them as our fellow-creatures. Sympathy beyond the confines of man, that is, humanity to the lower animals, seems to be one of the latest moral acquisitions. It is apparently unfelt by savages, except towards their pets. How little the old Romans knew of it is shewn by their abhorrent gladiatorial exhibitions. The very idea of humanity, as far as I could observe, was new to most of the Gauchos of the Pampas. This virtue, one of the noblest with which man is endowed, seems to arise incidentally from our sympathies becoming more tender and more widely diffused, until they are extended to all sentient beings. As soon as this virtue is honoured and practised by some few men, it spreads through instruction and example to the young, and eventually becomes incorporated in public opinion.

The Descent of Man, Chapter III: Comparison Of The Mental Powers Of Man And The Lower Animals

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Jan 192010
 

It’s easy to feel that the milk of human kindness has curdled, or perhaps was sour to begin with. Some religious and social practices seem to assume the worst of people: our selfish, antisocial desires must be kept firmly in check by fear of god or of human authorities. However, compassion and generosity are arguably at least as much a part of who we are as self-interest and greed. This article from Greater Good magazine examines some of the evidence for inborn physiological and psychological mechanisms of kindness and caring.

One part that really struck me was the discussion of the autonomic nervous system, which controls our physiological responses to situations, preparing us to react appropriately to situations. The reaction to a threat is the famous fight-or-flight response, which has a distinctive profile (if you’ve read anything about stress, you know about the ways that breathing and blood flow change to make us more ready to run, or fight, for our lives). There is also a distinctive physiological pattern related to a compassionate response to a situation. When I read this, I wondered if the practice of compassion meditation is in part a deliberate attempt to harness that physiological response.

The Greater Good article also talked about a positive feedback loop between compassionate thoughts and behavior and increased production of oxytocin, a hormone and neurotransmitter that has been linked with feelings of trust, closeness, and empathy. In other words, as you cultivate a compassionate outlook, you may be setting up your neurochemistry for further feelings and behaviors of love and connection. The article also mentions some research that indicates that the brain might be particularly plastic—flexible and open to change—with regard to positive emotions, indicating that we can foster such emotions (especially by the way we raise our children).

In short, this is not only fascinating but comforting. Self-centered, aggressive, or uncharitable behavior might be part of our repertoire, but it’s good to remember that we also have the potential for greater kindness, love, and respect. It’s up to each of us to cultivate it.

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Mar 272008
 

An fMRI study at the University of Wisconsin examined activity in the brains of people who have significant amounts of experience with compassion meditation. Compared to controls, these people showed notable changes in brain areas associated with detecting emotion and responding to it physiologically, and with picking up on other people’s emotional and mental states. I assume that feeling greater compassion and empathy would result in behavioral differences, but that question was beyond the scope of this study. The details are available in this press release on EurekAlert.

This result suggests that we can use our neural plasticity to train ourselves in caring for others, a welcome message indeed. The press release about the meditators mentions groups of people that might particularly benefit from training in compassion meditation, including adolescents and depressed people. Coincidentally, I just read a story in the New Yorker about Abu Ghraib, and it sounds like conditions there encouraged military personnel to dull any empathy and fellow-feeling they may have felt, just to get through their time there, which is just the opposite of what compassion meditation aims to do. I wonder, would the soldiers themselves, or the leaders who put the soldiers in that position, have benefited from training in compassion meditation? Would we trust a political or military leader who was known to be deeply compassionate and to easily imagine himself or herself in other’s shoes?

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Aug 292007
 

A recent experiment at the University of British Columbia looked at what happens when you prime people with concepts related to either religion or civic responsibility and then have them take part in a game where they have the power to keep or share some money that they are given. Priming involves presenting subjects with a stimulus–in this case, words–that subconsciously influences the direction of their thoughts. The people who were primed with words having to do with religion or with the responsibilities related to our legal system were more generous than those in a control group who were not similarly primed. The effect of the religious priming was the same for those who said they believed in God and those who did not.

The article about this from EurekAlert seems to be saying that thoughts of religion make people behave more generously, but it’s worth noting that evidently thinking about the legal system has the same effect (the prime words for the “civic responsibility” experiment were civic, jury, court, police, and contract). I can understand the need to test the connection between religion and behavior in a lab setting where you can measure and control the variables, but on the other hand this seems so artificial that it’s hard to know what to make of it. It would be interesting to see if people who were primed with the appropriate words would be more generous in a real-life situation requiring donations of their own money or of time, for example. (Isn’t this sort of priming something that people who are trying to raise money for a good cause often try to do? How well does it work for them?) And I wonder about things like whether people drive any more thoughtfully and cooperatively when they are leaving church than they do when leaving the grocery store or their jobs.

The article also mentions a lack of hard data about the relationship between religious belief and moral behavior. Does anyone know of any studies that look at whether the religiously observant behave any better as measured by crime statistics or other measures? I think there was a rather controversial study in 2005 that looked for relationships between various social indicators and rates of religious observance and concluded that people behave better in more secular parts of the US, but I don’t know anything about the quality of that work, and anyway I think it was a statistical analysis of populations, not of individuals.

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Jun 292007
 

The reasons that humans help others are complicated, and certain aspects of human altruism have been thought to be unique to us. Even our close relatives, the chimpanzees, were thought to lack certain key components of altruism, like being willing to help someone who is not related without expecting some kind of payback. Recent research carefully examined helping behavior in chimps and in human toddlers and discovered some interesting things indicating that perhaps our altruistic behavior is rooted in capabilities also possessed by chimps. In two experiments that compared chimps and 18-month-old humans, researchers found that both showed a similar propensity for helping a stranger, even when no reward was involved and even when helping the stranger involved some effort. (The only difference was that the humans were a little faster and the chimps were more likely to need additional cues that help was needed before they would respond.) A third experiment looked only at chimps, and indicated that chimps are able to use a newly learned skill to help another chimp get to food, without pestering the other for a share. The paper in PLoS Biology contains all the details, including some video sequences, and an author summary at the top if you want just the basics.

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Compassion fatigue

 Psychology  Comments Off
Mar 192007
 

One of the themes of Annie Dillard’s book For the time being is how difficult it is to grasp the true horror or even the reality of the statistics for human death due to natural disasters or genocide. When the numbers are as huge as they are for, e.g., deaths under the reign of some of the bloodier leaders of the twentieth century, it becomes very hard to feel the reality of the thousands of individual lives that were lost. And when the numbers are big, it becomes harder to take action. Some recent research has looked at the point at which compassion fatigue sets in, and has found that seeing as few as two needy people can make people less likely to contribute money to a charitable cause (presumably because donors feel numb or helpless) compared to when only one needy person is seen. For example, appeals for donations to help impoverished African children did better if only one child was depicted; showing two children decreased donations. This article from Foreign Policy describes several recent studies that shed light on the human tendency to go all out to help one person but lag when help is needed by many. It’s sadly all too relevant today; this article mentions the situation in Darfur, which is horrifying, and which I and I’m sure many others feel helpless to remedy. Individual suffering may be powerful in moving us to help, but individual action often seems pitifully inadequate in the face of genocide or other catastrophe.

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Nov 172006
 

David Barash, a University of Washington psychology professor, has written an essay for the Chronicle of Higher Education addressing the question of whether the young should be taught about evolutionary psychology despite the fact that learning about the evolutionary bases for non-altruistic behavior could have a demoralizing effect. After all, if nature rewards the selfish and competitive and greedy, why not be selfish, competitive, and greedy? It’s an interesting essay, although the point that he came to towards the end is where I might have started: We’re not at the mercy of our evolutionary history but have considerable choice in how we behave. It seems to me that evolutionary psychology is an attempt to describe how we got to be the way we are, but it certainly doesn’t prescribe the way we have to be. And what we are is a complicated mix of traits, good and bad. As Frans de Waal said at the end of Our inner ape, we’re a deeply conflicted species of primate, capable of both callous destruction and deep love and empathy. I don’t know if evolutionary psychology is routinely taught in such a way as to emphasize the former, but if it is it shouldn’t be. And in fact studying the full story of who we are is one way people can learn that even though we often fall short of our ideals for ourselves, we also rise far above our worst impulses.

I was also reminded of something E.O. Wilson said in On human nature about altruism. Wilson talks about hard-core and soft-core altruism. Hard-core altruism he defines as pure selfless giving, where you don’t get anything back. Soft-core altruism is the self-interested you-scratch-my-back-I’ll-scratch-yours behavior that is not altruistic in the strictest sense but that does help the world to get along. Because Wilson estimates that hard-core altruism is likely to have developed through selection working on family or tribal units, he would expect hard-core altruistic behavior to extend mostly toward those who are related or otherwise close to the altruist, and drop off sharply outside of the altruist’s circle of friends and family. Soft-core altruism, on the other hand, can in theory foster interactions between any two individuals who each possess something the other needs. I was struck by Wilson’s statement that the distinction between these two forms of altruism is important because “pure, hard-core altruism based on kin selection is the enemy of civilization.” This is because the demands of “blood and territory” will sooner or later disrupt efforts at cooperation on a large scale. He goes on to say that he is optimistic for the human race because “Human beings appear to be sufficiently selfish and calculating to be capable of indefinitely greater harmony and social homeostasis.” Maybe the character G’Kar in Babylon 5 was right when he described the universe as a complicated interaction between matter, energy, and enlightened self-interest.

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