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Mar 312013
 

I went to hear Dr. Kim Hill's talk on Thursday on the origins of human uniqueness. Hill began by framing our uniqueness in terms of our energy usage and biological dominance&emdash;for example, the fact that we cycle more nitrogen than all other terrestrial lifeforms combined, and we represent 10 times more biomass than any other large species that ever lived. We also exhibit extreme social complexity and specialization; no other species has anything remotely resembling the New York Stock Exchange or the NCAA basketball tournament, for example. Moreover, even before agriculture, we had colonized every landmass, and hunter-gatherers exhibited unusually complex social behavior compared to that of other animals. However, although we exhibit non-unique traits that arose through non-unique processes, we somehow turned into this distinctive species. The question is, how?

Hill described a combination of critical features that enabled all this to happen: cumulative culture, non-kin cooperation, language, and various cognitive capacities. These features emerged from various preadaptations, including bipedality, a change in our dietary niche, and a shift in the human life history (that is, the timing and duration of the events that make up the human lifecycle) and social structures. He focused on a chain of events involving non-kin cooperation and cumulative culture. To illustrate each link in the chain, he used a great deal of data from his own work and that of others with current-day hunter-gatherers in South America and Africa. The story goes roughly like this:

  • Our feeding niche shifted from collecting foods to extraction and hunting. (Extraction Includes the gathering of roots, nuts, and other things that require some labor or ingenuity to get.)
  • As a consequence, there was more variation in the quantity of food available each day. This in turn led to daily food sharing. In two hunter-gatherer tribes that he mentioned, nuclear families never keep more than 50% of any type of resource that they acquire. This buffers the variability for everyone day by day and on longer timescales, and provides protection against starvation due to illness or injury.
  • The result of this is a fourfold difference in adult mortality between humans and chimpanzees. Adult mortality affects the entire life cycle: delaying maturity, delaying senescence, and extending the productive years of adults.
  • Because maturity is delayed, and children depend on their parents for food, parents have multiple dependent offspring at any one time. As anyone who has bought groceries for a large household can imagine, this is difficult for parents. Several strategies arose to address this problem. One of them is that adults without children, for example, siblings of the parents, may help out (AKA opportunistic cooperative breeding, or helpers in the nest). In fact, the food sharing that arose initially as a way of reducing the variation in the food supply, and thus the risk, became intentional overproduction. That is, people seek out excess, for instance, by gathering more food than they need rather than stopping when they have enough for themselves.
  • An additional consequence is that women live past their reproductive capacity. That is, women go through menopause.
  • These cooperative breeding arrangements favored the evolution of prosocial emotions, or investment in the well-being of other people in the same group. In insect colonies, cooperation occurs because the insects are closely related. Hill presented evidence that shows that this is not the case for hunter-gatherer bands: People cooperate and do things for the benefit of others even if they are not related.
  • Juvenile dependence and the resulting investment of fathers in their children and pair bonding gave rise to a pattern described as the exogamy complex which, in a nutshell, eventually created complex social networks that included people who were not genetically related (e.g., in-laws) that allowed cumulative culture to arise.
  • Cumulative culture is what happens when you not only learn how to build or use a spear or grinding stone or web page, you figure out a better way to do the job. Although other animals learn things from each other, like learning how to use sticks to dig out termites, none of them build on what they learn and improve on what they have learned. Hill suggested that the shift to large social networks may have been as important as evolved cognition in explaining why we begin to produce cumulative culture in the late Middle Pleistocene 200,000 years ago.

Obviously this leaves out important things like language and brain size and other cool things about how we got to be the way we are. However, it's still a fascinating story of our roots. What struck me in particular is the difference between this and Hobbes's description of life in the natural state as nasty, brutish, and short. The hunter-gatherer societies that he described have a form of income insurance that protects against illness or injury, for example, and the entire system of hunter-gatherer life that he described was nothing like “every man for himself.”

At the end of his lecture, Hill noted that maybe we shouldn't be thinking so much about whether we will ever contact intelligent species in the rest of the universe; perhaps we should be thinking instead about highly cooperative social species. A single intelligent human could never have gotten to the moon alone.

One of the most interesting questions that came up in the Q&A afterword was the question of whether it's likely that there could be one more than one such species per planet. The answer, rather sadly, is probably not. It looks as though the price of our success might have been the extermination of all competitors, even distant ones. Hill estimates that we exterminated at least five other hominin species that could have also followed our trajectory, and right now we seem to be in the process of exterminating the chimpanzees.

You can read more about Prof. Hill's work in this New York Times article.

 

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May 082008
 

Based on my previous experience with the term psychogeography, I gathered that it had to do with people’s emotional and mental response to various landscapes, urban and otherwise. However, the term psychogeography is also used in quite a different way in this article from the Boston Globe. Here psychogeography has to do with the mapping of personality traits, particularly in the US. Researchers are evidently looking at the Big Five personality traits and discovering geographic patterns to such things as neuroticism, openness to experience, and conscientiousness. The article describes the psychological landscape of the US and speculates about how it got to be that way: birds of a feather flock together? People who flock together, for whatever reason, come to resemble one another? However it works, it’s fascinating to look at the US in terms of the personality types prevalent in different regions. I hope there’s more of this research to come. I’d like to see an analysis of places like Bloomington (and Madison and Ann Arbor) that constitute islands of social and political openness in a sea of conservatism. It would also be interesting to know if there are links between the physical and psychological landscapes.

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Dec 312007
 

Humans have offered various opinions on whether our history reflects a decline from an earlier golden age, or a triumphant progress from earlier crudeness and darkness. (Personally I think the truth is not as black and white as either picture would have it.) This piece from The Economist argues against the idea of the “noble savage”, which claims that hunter-gatherers live more peaceful, leisurely lives and that farming might be one of the worst ideas we ever came up with.

While agriculture definitely changed our social institutions (perhaps for the worse in some dimensions, introducing a less egalitarian type of society), it brought with it the means of survival for larger numbers of humans than could possibly survive as hunter-gatherers, with all the attendant developments that cities made possible. And hunter-gatherer lifestyles are not all they’ve been cracked up to be: the article cites evidence for high rates of death from warfare in today’s hunter-gatherer societies, and also for progressive destruction of populations of ever-smaller game animals by early human hunters. In short, earlier populations of humans didn’t follow an ideal lifestyle, and whatever else you can say about the changes introduced by agriculture, they did allow for many people to find a way to hang on and survive. And furthermore, it might be inevitable that we always find a way to follow the biological imperative to survive and reproduce, wherever it leads us.

At this time of year it seems appropriate to look both backward and forward. As we look at the way humans have lived in the past, it’s natural to look ahead to how we might live in the future. Will occupying the land ever more densely (as agriculture allows us to do) continue to be a key to our survival, individually and as a species? I doubt it.

Other than the information about animals hunted to extinction by humans, the article did not say much about environmental damage done by humans. We have a far bigger footprint than any other species on the planet, and we are the only ones aware of and able to control our own actions, which gives us a unique responsibility for the other living things we share the planet with (and often depend on). In my view birth control may be one of the most, if not the most, crucial factor in managing environmental problems like pollution and global warming. Expanding into any available niche and figuring out a way to survive, even if it means changes as drastic as the shift from hunting-gathering to agriculture, illustrates our skill at adapting. Do we also have what it takes to limit population growth and refrain from extracting all the resources we can, in the interests of living more closely in balance with other life on the planet? In the end, our survival will depend on this type of sustainable living, so I guess it boils down to the question of whether we have the intelligence and self-control to manage our own behavior before nature manages it for us and brings human population levels down through famine or warfare.

This may seem like a very pessimistic post, and I suppose it is a sobering one, but if we were smart enough to negotiate all the other transitions that life on this planet has required of us, I hope we’re also smart enough to figure this one out. If everyone waits for all the other hominids to take action, nothing will happen. You can learn more about sustainability at the Sustainability Institute, the Alliance for Sustainability, and the Sustainable Community Network.

Best wishes for peace, health, and happiness in 2008.

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Jun 132007
 

The New Yorker ran an article recently about linguist Daniel Everett and his investigations of the Pirahã of Brazil. Everett makes some extremely interesting claims about the Pirahã’s language, saying that it does not seem to fit the model, originally proposed by Noam Chomsky, of a universal grammar inherent in all human minds. The chief departure from the model is that the language does not appear to use recursion in the way that other languages do (i.e., telescoping multiple concepts into a single phrase, as in “My mother’s friend’s cat”; you don’t need to state explicitly that your mother has a friend and the friend has a cat, because those are implicit in the phrase). Recursion is believed to be a fundamental feature of human language. Furthermore, the peculiarities of the Pirahã language are reflections, Everett believes, of their culture, which is focused on the here and now to an unusual degree.

Edge.org has posted a bunch of information about Everett and the Pirahã, including links to a couple of recent news stories, a longish essay by Everett, and a briefer rebuttal by Steven Pinker. Everett goes into the role of recursion in language and in thought, his experiences with the Pirahã (he started out as a missionary, although he has since lost his faith, and he says that in nearly 50 years of proselytizing the Pirahã, Protestant missionaries have yet to make a single convert–an example, he says, of the Pirahã’s indifference to many aspects of the outside world). I don’t know enough about linguistics to take sides in the debate, but it would be quite interesting if Everett does turn out to be correct.

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Dec 262005
 

Seems like I’m seeing a fair amount lately about what our primate lineage and nature tell us about our political and social arrangements–e.g., an editorial I mentioned a few weeks ago about democracy and human nature, and a piece in Foreign Affairs by Robert Sapolsky about warfare and human nature. (I’m not linking to the latter because you need a subscription to access it online.) Along the same lines, here’s a very brief blurb about an upcoming article on the other side of the coin, environmental influences on political behavior. A new study attributes differences in early human societies to differences in available resources, with more marginal societies (e.g., Australian Aboriginal societies) being less likely to develop social hierarchies than those that lived in abundance (e.g., in the Pacific Northwest).

http://www.eurekalert.org/pub_releases/2005-12/uocp-cfs121605.php

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Sep 242005
 

When I read Jared Diamond’s Guns, Germs, and Steel several years ago, I was fascinated by the linguistic analysis that can tell us about history. For example, the words that a language contains (or lacks) can tell us something about where the language was spoken and what technologies the speakers had available. Also, the words that two or more languages have in common can tell us how long ago those languages diverged from each other and how they are related. Vocabulary is a useful tool for tracing language history this way, but vocabulary changes rapidly enough that it’s only good to about 10,000 years back at most. So some researchers at the Max Planck Institute for Psycholinguistics are looking at the ways that similarities and differences in grammar can help us trace the relationships between languages further back in time. They wrote a program that analyzes over 100 features of how a language is structured and gave the program two groups of languages to work on: one a group of Austronesian languages for which a history has been deduced using vocabulary, and one a group of Papuan languages for which the vocabulary method wouldn’t work. The results for the first group matched the known history, showing that the program is on the right track, and the results for the second group revealed relationships previously unknown. Pretty cool stuff.

http://www.sciam.com/article.cfm?chanID=sa003&articleID=00074F10-365F-1333-B65F83414B7F0000&ref=nature

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Aug 262005
 

Here’s a story from the New Scientist about researchers at the University of Michigan who are investigating subtle behavioral differences that might reflect the different philosophical backgrounds of Western culture and East Asian culture. Westerners tend to be more analytical and individualistic, while those from East Asia are more attuned to seeing the whole in the interactions of the parts. The researchers looked at eye movement in Chinese and American students who looked at a picture with an obvious visual focus in the center and a realistic background. The Americans looked longer at the central image, and the Chinese moved their eyes over the whole picture more. They believe this difference is related to differing cultural values–goal-oriented focus versus harmony and holism. The article also mentions language differences that reflect the underlying cultural differences. The article closes with a quote from one of the researchers to the effect that understanding that we are different “should form the basis of respect”. I hope he’s right.

http://www.newscientist.com/article.ns?id=dn7882

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Aug 182005
 

I’m trying to imagine a language with no words for colors, no numbers, and, even odder to my mind, no fiction and no creation stories. There really is such a language, that of the Pirahã of Amazonas, Brazil. Recent research shows that it lacks other features that were thought to be universal to all languages, which poses a challenge to the theory that there is an underlying genetic basis for universal language features. Also, research into the Arawak family of South American languages raises questions about the accepted picture of how the geographical distribution of these languages arose.

http://www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2005/08/050814165536.htm

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